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Costs, Incentives, and Pakistan’s Historical Position

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  • Update Time : 09:21:18 am, Monday, 24 November 2025
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Kamran argues that Pakistan has very limited room to maneuver. Several of Islamabad’s closest allies are deeply invested in the initiative and expect Pakistan to take part.

According to the security analyst, Pakistan’s troubled economy also shapes its choices. With ongoing financial pressures, Islamabad needs to remain in the good graces of the United States and Gulf partners—something that often requires military cooperation in return.

Pakistan also carries a long legacy of participating in UN peacekeeping missions. As of September this year, UN figures show that roughly 2,600 Pakistani troops were serving in peace operations. Among Muslim-majority countries, only Indonesia contributes more, and globally Pakistan ranks sixth.

But the country is far from secure at home. Pakistan remains locked in tensions with India on its eastern border and has growing friction with Afghanistan in the west—developments that have forced it to strengthen troop deployments on both fronts.

Even so, sending forces to Gaza may not require major reductions at the borders. Kamran Chima, executive director of the Islamabad-based Sanober Institute, believes Pakistan’s contribution is likely to be small, especially since multiple countries are expected to join the mission.

Political Risks and the Question of Israel

Despite these arguments, many Pakistanis question the feasibility—and the domestic political fallout—of operating alongside or coordinating with Israeli forces.

Former foreign secretary Salman Bashir acknowledges the risks, noting that Hamas’s disarmament demands will make the ISF’s mission far more difficult. Yet he says Pakistan may ultimately need to work within a framework it does not fully agree with.

Kamran Bokhari adds that no participating country, including Pakistan, will be able to avoid some level of coordination with Israel.

But others dispute this, suggesting that if the ISF becomes a coalition force, one partner could handle all direct contact with Israel, sparing Pakistani troops from direct interaction.

Retired three-star general Omar Mahmood Hayat warns that any coordination with Israel—however indirect—could trigger public anger and distrust. Pakistan has no diplomatic ties with Israel, he notes, and breaking that boundary under the banner of morality or humanitarianism would invite confusion and controversy.

For Hayat, the issue is not only an ethical dilemma but also a strategic contradiction that could undermine Pakistan’s diplomatic stance.

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Costs, Incentives, and Pakistan’s Historical Position

Update Time : 09:21:18 am, Monday, 24 November 2025

Kamran argues that Pakistan has very limited room to maneuver. Several of Islamabad’s closest allies are deeply invested in the initiative and expect Pakistan to take part.

According to the security analyst, Pakistan’s troubled economy also shapes its choices. With ongoing financial pressures, Islamabad needs to remain in the good graces of the United States and Gulf partners—something that often requires military cooperation in return.

Pakistan also carries a long legacy of participating in UN peacekeeping missions. As of September this year, UN figures show that roughly 2,600 Pakistani troops were serving in peace operations. Among Muslim-majority countries, only Indonesia contributes more, and globally Pakistan ranks sixth.

But the country is far from secure at home. Pakistan remains locked in tensions with India on its eastern border and has growing friction with Afghanistan in the west—developments that have forced it to strengthen troop deployments on both fronts.

Even so, sending forces to Gaza may not require major reductions at the borders. Kamran Chima, executive director of the Islamabad-based Sanober Institute, believes Pakistan’s contribution is likely to be small, especially since multiple countries are expected to join the mission.

Political Risks and the Question of Israel

Despite these arguments, many Pakistanis question the feasibility—and the domestic political fallout—of operating alongside or coordinating with Israeli forces.

Former foreign secretary Salman Bashir acknowledges the risks, noting that Hamas’s disarmament demands will make the ISF’s mission far more difficult. Yet he says Pakistan may ultimately need to work within a framework it does not fully agree with.

Kamran Bokhari adds that no participating country, including Pakistan, will be able to avoid some level of coordination with Israel.

But others dispute this, suggesting that if the ISF becomes a coalition force, one partner could handle all direct contact with Israel, sparing Pakistani troops from direct interaction.

Retired three-star general Omar Mahmood Hayat warns that any coordination with Israel—however indirect—could trigger public anger and distrust. Pakistan has no diplomatic ties with Israel, he notes, and breaking that boundary under the banner of morality or humanitarianism would invite confusion and controversy.

For Hayat, the issue is not only an ethical dilemma but also a strategic contradiction that could undermine Pakistan’s diplomatic stance.